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Russian political scientist Igor Gretzky told a Sunday newspaper: “Since the beginning of his rule, Putin has successfully exploited such fears and shocks to legitimize his highly authoritarian rule.”
Sven Jack
Mr. Gretzky, you visited Tallinn, the capital of Estonia, as a guest lecturer in January. After Russian troops invaded Ukraine, your family had to leave St. Petersburg. What happened?
Igor Gretzky: A few days after the invasion, my wife received threats. They weren’t at first, but they became more and more determined. We talked on the phone and decided that she and my two sons could come to me in Estonia right away.
Why was your wife bullied?
He runs a blog and his articles critically examine Putin’s politics and Russian society. After the invasion of Ukraine, the Russian media were instructed to use only official information from the authorities for their reports. Words like “attack” or “invasion” were banned in connection with the war in Ukraine, and bloggers like my wife were blacklisted.
Even at the University of St. Petersburg the air has grown thin for you.
During my editorial career, I already criticized the Kremlin’s imperial megalomania when it annexed Crimea in 2014. I have done television reviews and written newspaper columns.
personally
Igor Gretzky (39) was a professor in the Department of Post-Soviet Studies at St. Petersburg State University. Since January 2022 he has been a visiting researcher at the International Center for Security and Defense in Tallinn (Estonia). His research interests are primarily Russian foreign policy toward Ukraine and Poland and political change in Central and Eastern Europe. He is married and father of two sons.
Igor Gretzky (39) was a professor in the Department of Post-Soviet Studies at St. Petersburg State University. Since January 2022 he has been a visiting researcher at the International Center for Security and Defense in Tallinn (Estonia). His research interests are primarily Russian foreign policy toward Ukraine and Poland and political change in Central and Eastern Europe. He is married and father of two sons.
You have publicly contradicted Putin’s narrative. What happened next?
The annexation of Crimea is illegal under international law. At the time, I was accused of questioning Russia’s integrity. After that I was warned several times by the university administration that I would be healthy only if I remained calm. Within eight years of annexation, an autocratic state had turned into a dictatorship. Teaching in Russia has become impossible for me. I resigned and took a job as a visiting researcher at the Center for International Security and Defense in Tallinn.
How has Putin’s campaign changed since the war began?
She became very aggressive. With the invasion, not only state media, but also high-ranking Russian officials began describing the political regime in Ukraine as “neo-Nazi” and “criminal.” In his speech on February 24, Putin used the word “junta” for the first time since 2014 to refer to the “illegitimacy” of the Ukrainian government.
And today?
The campaign spreads fake news about Ukraine’s intention to restore its nuclear arsenal, develop biological weapons or deliberately “drown” Russia in synthetic drugs, and ban the use of the Russian language in everyday life. In addition, authorities increasingly resort to overtly neo-imperialist narratives.
How is it expressed?
Putin told young participants at the 2022 International Economic Forum in St. Petersburg that Russia’s foreign policy mission has remained unchanged since the time of Peter the Great — restoring and strengthening Russian territories “first” to win the hearts of Ukrainians.
Which social class is particularly receptive to Putin’s propaganda?
The older generation, many of them still think nostalgically of the Soviet era of supposed “stability and greatness”. Since the beginning of his rule, Putin has successfully exploited such fears and shocks to legitimize his highly authoritarian rule. He reinstated the Soviet national anthem, monopolized the myth of victory in the Great Patriotic War, and significantly re-Sovietized official Kremlin rhetoric.
A handful of Stalin’s moths.
Yes, Putin relied heavily on old campaign slogans and clichés, including the geopolitical confrontation with the West and a veiled critique of the moral foundations of European democracies.
And what are people saying about it?
Older generations are more relaxed, even positive, about Western sanctions because they believe the restrictions will only affect oligarchs and other wealthy people. Their ideal world is the old Soviet reality, where everyone was equally poor.
In one article you write about the “post-imperial syndrome”.
Many Russians over the age of 55 still cannot grasp the fact that former Soviet republics have maintained their political independence from Moscow. This part of the population actually celebrated the annexation of Crimea. It actually sees the attack on Ukraine as a war to restore a collapsed empire.
What do young people say?
The middle generation is not interested in the war in Ukraine, but passively supports it. Most take a conciliatory stance, mostly because they are completely dependent on the state for income and employment. Many are aware that Russia is waging a war of aggression against its neighbors, but ignore it and try to cling to the faint remnants of stability. In general, Russian millennials tend to obediently follow any leader who can guarantee some measure of economic prosperity.
Dare to see the future of Russia?
Russia’s aggression against Ukraine severed most ties with Europe for a very long time. However, the West must stand firm. No talks with Putin before Russia’s complete withdrawal from Ukraine. After the war, Russian society had to forge a new, non-imperialist identity in order to reinsert itself into the world community. Russia will go through the same process as Germany did after World War II. Ukraine must be fully accountable for the crimes it committed and make amends in various ways.
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